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extreme Islamist terror group Hamas cease-fire Israeli civilians Palestinian Authority new attacks door of President Barack Obama Israeli hostages conflicts of the past decades Biden administration full cease-fire urgent question Israel Hamas leaders Israel’s long policy Clinton administration President Obama long plane ride Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu military installations current crisis limited humanitarian pauses ground invasion of Gaza Palestinian people Israeli families Israeli parents new strategy Saudi Arabia cease-fires Serbian dictator Slobodan Milošević West Bank broad coalition worst mass murder of Jews horrific massacre of Israeli civilians United States Hamas lasting peace humanitarian crisis rocket attacks Yair Rosenberg air strikes refugee camps dream of peace control of Gaza so-called axis of resistance current ultra-right-wing government terrorist attacks morning coffee Gaza different prayers peaceful coexistence

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https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2023/11/hamas-israel-ceasefire-humanitarian-pause-gaza/675992/

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The terror group has proved again and again that it will sabotage any efforts to forge a lasting peace.

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Hamas Must Go - The AtlanticSkip to contentSite NavigationThe AtlanticPopularLatestNewslettersSectionsPoliticsIdeasFictionTechnologySciencePhotoBusinessCulturePlanetGlobalBooksAudioHealthEducationProjectsFeaturesFamilyEventsWashington WeekProgressNewslettersExplore The Atlantic ArchivePlay The Atlantic crosswordListen to Podcasts and ArticlesThe Print EditionLatest IssuePast IssuesGive a GiftSearch The AtlanticQuick LinksDear TherapistCrossword PuzzleMagazine ArchiveYour SubscriptionPopularLatestNewslettersSign InSubscribeThe Atlantic Festival is back on September 19 and 20. Get an in-person pass and enjoy a complimentary digital subscription. Learn more:IdeasHamas Must GoThe terror group has proved again and again that it will sabotage any efforts to forge a lasting peace.By Hillary Rodham ClintonBurnt photos of Israeli families in Kibbutz Be'eri (William Keo / Magnum)November 14, 2023 One morning in November 2012, I knocked on the door of President Barack Obama’s suite in the Raffles Hotel in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, so early that he was barely out of bed. I had an urgent question that could not wait for the president to finish his morning coffee: Should we try to broker a cease-fire in Gaza? Then, like now, the extreme Islamist terror group Hamas had sparked a crisis by indiscriminately attacking Israeli civilians. Israel had responded with air strikes, and a ground invasion of Gaza appeared imminent.The president and I debated whether I should leave Asia, fly to the Middle East, and try to negotiate a halt to the fighting before the situation escalated further. The reason to go was clear: Stopping the violence would save lives and prevent the conflict from spiraling into a wider regional war.The reasons not to go were more nuanced but also compelling. President Obama and I were both wary of suggesting that Israel did not have a right and a responsibility to defend itself against terrorists. If Hamas did not face consequences for its attacks, it would be emboldened to carry out more. We also knew Hamas had a history of breaking agreements and could not be trusted. For that matter, neither side seemed ready to pull back from the brink. Diplomacy is all about leverage and timing. If I tried and failed to negotiate a cease-fire, it would reduce America’s credibility in the region and lower the likelihood that we could reengage successfully later.Ned Lazarus: I don’t see a better way outIn the end, we decided the risks were worth it. I headed to the region and began intense shuttle diplomacy among Israel, Egypt, and the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank. Late into the night in Cairo, I went line by line through a proposal I’d worked out with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Jerusalem. The Egyptians were on the phone with Hamas leaders in Gaza. Finally, I was able to announce that all parties had agreed to a truce.On the long plane ride home, I asked my aide Jake Sullivan, who is now President Joe Biden’s national security adviser, if Hamas was abiding by the agreement we’d just struck. So far, he told me, the answer was yes. I was relieved that we’d prevented further bloodshed, but I worried that all we’d really managed to do was put a lid on a simmering cauldron that would likely boil over again in the future.Unfortunately, that fear proved correct. In 2014, Hamas violated the cease-fire and started another war by abducting Israeli hostages and launching rocket attacks against civilians. Israel responded forcefully, but Hamas remained in control of Gaza. The terrorists re-armed, and the pattern repeated itself in 2021, with more civilians killed. This all culminated in the horrific massacre of Israeli civilians last month, the worst mass murder of Jews since the Holocaust.This history suggests three insights for the current crisis and the future of this complex and volatile region. First, October 7 made clear that this bloody cycle must end and that Hamas cannot be allowed to once again retrench, re-arm, and launch new attacks—while continuing to use people in Gaza as expendable human shields. Second, a full cease-fire that leaves Hamas in power would be a mistake. For now, pursuing more limited humanitarian pauses that allow aid to get in and civilians and hostages to get out is a wiser course. Third, Israel’s long policy of containment has failed—it needs a new strategy and new leadership.For me, Israel and Gaza are not just names on a map. I have grieved with Israeli families whose loved ones were abducted or killed in terrorist attacks. I have held the hands of the wounded in their hospital beds. In Jerusalem, I visited a bombed-out pizzeria and will never forget it.I have also been to Gaza. I have talked with Palestinians who have suffered greatly from the conflicts of the past decades and dream of peace and a state of their own. Before Hamas seized power, I met women using microloans from the United States to start new businesses and become breadwinners for their families, including a dr

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